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L'appel à candidatures pour le Prix Michel Seurat 2010 vient de paraître

cefas — 2010-09-06T18:40:09Z

Ce prix, d'un montant annuel de 20 000 €, a été institué par le CNRS en juin 1988 pour "honorer la mémoire de ce chercheur du CNRS, spécialiste des questions islamiques, disparu dans des conditions tragiques. Ce programme vise à aider financièrement chaque année un jeune chercheur, ressortissant d'un pays européen ou d'un pays du Proche-Orient ou du Maghreb, contribuant ainsi à promouvoir connaissance réciproque et compréhension entre la société française et le monde arabe".

Le prix Michel Seurat est ouvert aux titulaires d'un D.E.A. (diplôme d'études approfondies) ou d'un diplôme équivalent, âgés de moins de 35 ans révolus. Il a pour vocation d'aider un jeune chercheur à multiplier les enquêtes sur le terrain, dans le cadre de la préparation de sa thèse. Les enquêtes doivent avoir lieu à l'étranger. La maîtrise de la langue du pays concerné est une condition impérative.

La date limite de dépôt des candidatures est fixée au 30 novembre 2010.

Vous trouverez davantage d'informations à l'adresse suivante : http://www.cnrs.fr/inshs/relations-...

The Milh al-Malâha of al-Malik al-Ashraf ‘Umar (d. 696/1296)

cefas — 2010-09-05T10:10:33Z

By Daniel Martin Varisco

Professor of Anthropology

Hofstra University

Hempstead, NY 11549

Contact :

Daniel.M.Varisco@hofstra.edu

Of the rich corpus of texts now available for piecing together the history of agriculture during Yemen's Rasulid era (13th-15th centuries), none is more crucial than the Milh al-Malâha of the third Rasulid sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf ‘Umar.

Along with his agricultural almanac, written for 670/1271, this treatise looks at all aspects of crop production in Yemen, including types of land, water sources and manure. Only two known copies exist, one from the Glaser collection in Vienna and the other in a private library in Yemen. Much of al-Ashraf's text is quoted in the later Bughyat al-fallâhîn of al-Malik al-Afdal, but the latter also includes information derived from non-Yemeni sources. In this essay I describe the range of information in al-Ashraf's treatise and its significance for tracing the documentary history of Yemeni agriculture during the Rasulid period. This is prolegomenon to a planned systematic study of al-Ashraf's treatise for a comprehensive analysis of Yemen's agriculture during the Rasulid era.

The Author

Al-Malik al-Ashraf ‘Umar was the third Rasulid sultan, reigning for only a brief span of 21 months in 1295-96 C.E. after the extraordinary dynastic build-up of his father, al-Malik al-Muzaffar Yûsuf, over 46 years (Varisco 1993). Although no birth date for al-Ashraf has yet been found in the Rasulid corpus, I believe he was born sometime after 1242 before his father came to power. By the year 1266 he was mature enough to take charge of a military raid on Hajja ; later he was made governor of al-Mahjam along Wadi Surdud and at one point was in charge of the highland city of San‘â'. Details about his personal life are limited. We know he had six sons who lived to maturity and at least two daughters, both of whom married sons of his younger brother Dâwûd, the man who succeeded him in office. As a scholar he excelled in the more secular sciences of astronomy, agriculture, veterinary science and medicine. His most important astronomical treatise is al-Tabsira fî ‘ilm al-nujûm, which contains the earliest Rasulid agricultural almanac (edited and translated in Varisco 1994).

The Text

Two major agricultural treatises have thus far come to light from Rasulid Yemen. One of these, the Bughyat al-fallâhîn of al-Malik al-Afdal al-‘Abbâs (died 1376 C.E.) has survived in four copies, the most useful of which is located in the Egyptian National Library in Cairo. The late R.B. Serjeant (1974) translated the chapter on cereals from this. Al-Afdal quotes extensively from a work of his own father and also his great uncle al-Ashraf, but mixes information specifically on Yemen with lore from Andalusia (Ibn Bassâl) and the well-traveled Kitab al-Filâha al-Nabatîya from Iraq.

The earliest of the Rasulid agricultural treatises is al-Ashraf's Milh al-malâha fî ma‘rifat al-filâha, which exists in two known copies (see Varisco 1989). There is some controversy about the exact title. I follow the vocalization of Serjeant, although the Yemeni historian Muhammad ‘Abd al-Rahîm Jâzim (1985:165) prefers mulah rather than milh in the title. [1] Since there is no voweling indicated, either reading is possible. As defined by the Yemeni lexicographer Nashwân ibn Sa‘îd al-Himyarî (1999:9:6364), mulâh is the plural of mulha, a term which refers to a pleasant saying or bon mot ; milh has several possibilities apart from the obvious sense of salt. It can also be used in the sense of a witty saying, which I take to be the main sense in the title, but it has an added semantic flavor for those who appreciate puns. In Lisân al-‘Arab there is a connotation of milh as baraka, surely a fit desire for the often unpredictable art of agriculture, and also a sense of milh as science (‘ilm) ; the latter would play off the ma‘rifa nicely in the title. Lisân also records milh as meaning the most beautifully elegant (al-husn min al-malâha). In the absence of vowels (and those in a late copy would be suspect at any rate), I would argue that milh is a more elegant choice, but of course this is post hoc “if I were a Rasulid horse” reasoning. As for the original intent of al-Ashraf, the most bon mot I can think of is Allâhu a‘lama.

The major extant copy of the treatise, which is unfortunately missing the first chapter, is in the Glaser collection in Vienna and consists of 242 pages (with only 9 lines to a page). It is in fact much shorter in length than the later treatise of al-Afdal, although it is possible to reconstruct the missing chapter from the copy discovered in Yemen by Jâzim and from excerpts in al-Afdal's treatise. There are seven chapters, as follows :

2. Cereals (zar‘) and what are connected to this ;

3. Pulses (qatânî), which are seed crops (hubûb) ;

4. Flowering plants (al-ashjâr al-muthmira) ;

5. Aromatic plants (rayâhîn) ;

6. Vegetable greens (khadrâwât and buqûlât) ;

7. That which controls pests (âfât) on cereals and grapevines and seedlings and what protects grain and flour from pests, if God the Sublime and Most High so wills.

Taken as a whole, al-Ashraf's text provides a learned account of the science of agriculture in Yemen during the latter half of the 13th century. Much of the information is specific to Yemen, but clearly the author had access to other written texts from outside Yemen. Unlike the later al-Afdal, however, there are no references to other texts or earlier authorities cited. However, al-Ashraf's observation that the best dung is from pigeons is clearly derived from the classical tradition, e.g. Varro (died 27 B.C.E.), probably through the widely traveled Kitâb al-filâha al-Rûmiya. [2] There were never any pigeon towers in Yemen, nor is there any evidence that such avarian droppings were applied by Yemeni farmers to their fields. If you will forgive my vulgar conclusion : this is borrowed shit. Al-Ashraf also notes some plants, such as pistachio and olive, that he admits were not planted in Yemen. It is possible that he had access to both the Kitâb al-Filâha al-Rûmiya and the Kitâb al-Filâha al-Nabatîya, as the later al-Afdal did, but determining the possible sources will require much more effort as I have only begun systematic analysis of the treatise. In praiseworthy Yemeni fashion, al-Ashraf begins his treatise with a poetic quatrain :

Fa-hâdhâ kitâb jama‘tuhu bi-hasab al-tâqa wa-al-ijtihâd
wa-ista‘tab ‘alâ dhâlik bi-rabb al-‘ibâd.

Wada‘tuhu ‘alâ hukm istilâh ahl al-ma‘rifa fî al-Yaman

ba‘d al-bahth ma‘ahum fî kulli mâ fîhi min sanf wa-fann.

“I compiled this book according to diligence and capability

and solicit for proof of this the Lord of all humanity.

I recorded it from the wise practice of those Yemenis who know

only after research among them for all that is within their classifying and artful show.”

The intent of the author, at least in verse, is to act as a conduit for the customary knowledge of Yemeni farmers. In a similar vein al-Ashraf recorded local Yemeni star names and lore in his main astronomical treatise (e.g. Varisco 1994:104). It is tempting to consider our author an incipient ethnographer rather than an armchair Ibn Khaldunian historian, but he provides no information about his informants. The information provided covers all parts of Yemen, the main division being between the coastal wadis and the mountains ; the chronicles indicate that he had traveled widely in Yemen so he certainly had the opportunity to survey these regions. The Rasulids also oversaw extensive holdings at the time, including the rich flood-irrigated land near al-Mahjam, where al-Ashraf served for awhile as governor. At times his description of planting methods mirror what I observed in 1978 during ethnographic fieldwork in the irrigated highland valley of al-Ahjur. Indeed, as I argued in the introduction to my study of al-Ashraf's agricultural almanac, my ethnographic experience has allowed me to make much better sense of the agricultural and seasonal information than I could only from the texts themselves.

The Ur-Text

I have described the range of information in the treatise elsewhere (Varisco 2006), so my aim here is to discuss al-Ashraf's Milh as the Ur-Text of Rasulid agricultural knowledge. I assume the text was written after the agricultural almanac al-Ashraf compiled for the year 670/1271, perhaps while he was governor at al-Mahjam, where he no doubt was responsible for the royal holdings there. A century later al-Afdal quotes extensively from Milh. Besides these two texts, the only other known agricultural treatise from the pen of a Rasulid sultan is al-Ishâra fî al-‘imâra, attributed to al-Malik al-Mujâhid ‘Alî ibn Dâwûd, the father of al-Afdal and the nephew of al-Ashraf. This is also quoted extensively by al-Afdal, but no copy of the actual text has yet surfaced. Similarly, al-Ashraf's almanac is the first recorded in the Rasulid genre. While later Rasulid almanacs record much of the same information, the variations in timings and local plants covered demonstrate that these were not simple textual clones. The same cannot be said for some of the more recent Yemeni almanacs, which at times misread varietal names no longer in common use ; e.g. the Rasulid planting of Qusaybî wheat is copied in some later almanacs as qaydî (i.e. summer), but the latter designation is totally inappropriate.

Milh amplifies the information provided in the almanac. For example, al-Ashraf mentions the wheat variety called Qusaybî in reference to the southern highland area of al-Qusayba, where the Rasulids owned land. In his almanac he records that this is sown between X:1 and XI:18, with X:10-25 as the best time. In Milh, however, the sowing of Qusaybî wheat is given as the month between X:15 and XI:15. The later almanac of Abû al-‘Uqûl, written during the reign of al-Ashraf's successor, cites the times as between X:1 and X:25, with X:10 as the best time. The almanacs I have designated Salwa and Taymûr give the dates between X:10 and X:31. While sowing times in almanacs are generally approximate, these minor variations suggest different ways of looking at the length of the sowing season, depending on what is considered the optimum time for planting. It is interesting to note that the much older almanac of Abû Hanîfa al-Dînawarî (died 282/895) gives X:10 as the generic time for planting wheat in Yemen. Is this a coincidence, did the Rasulids know the earlier almanac (by almost four centuries !), or was this really the local planting time relatively unchanged for centuries ?

The Effort

There are texts and there are texts ; indeed there are far more Arabic texts out there than can be sampled by even the most ardent historian. This is especially true for Rasulid Yemen, which has yet to be put on the medievalist map in any way comparable to studies on Mamluk Egypt. In this paper I have outlined why I think a particular agricultural text is a priority, not just for the nascent field of Rasulid Studies (I may be the first to even suggest such a parochial moniker), but for the broader study of agriculture in Arab Islamic societies stretching from Andalusia to Iraq. Exploring the Milh (or perhaps the Mulah) of al-Ashraf is microcosmic of my own interloping (as anthropologist and historian) among Arabic texts. First, it is not entirely clear what the exact title was, let alone why the author carefully or carelessly chose the exact title. Second, the text has to be reconstructed from relatively recent copies, the best of which is incomplete, while the oldest known copy is de facto the quotes embedded in the treatise of al-Afdal. Third, this appears to be the Ur-Text, the first of a rich genre that I would argue gives the most detailed account of an agricultural system for a premodern Arab society anywhere. Finally, the Yemen that I lived in over thirty years ago served as a kind of ethnographic laboratory for many of the activities (and certainly some of the dialect terminology) mentioned some eight centuries earlier. Were I not so entrenched in my academic stupor, it would make a good novel. And I even have a possible title for such a trivial pursuit : The Sultan's Green Thumb, anyone ?

References

Ibn Manzûr n. d.

Lisân al-‘Arab

Jâzim 1985

Al-Iklîl

Al-Mujâhid 1987

Milh al-malâha fı ma‘rifat al-filâha

Al-Himyarî 1999

Shams al-‘ulûm

Serjeant 1974

Arabian Studies

Varisco 1982a

The Adaptive Dynamics of Water Allocation in al-Ahjur, Yemen Arab Republic

Varisco 1989

Manuscripts of the Middle East

Varisco 1993

Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée

Varisco 1994b

Medieval Agriculture and Islamic Science : The Almanac of a Yemeni Sultan

Varisco 1997

Medieval Folk Astronomy and Agriculture in Arabia and the Yemen

Varisco 2006

Proceedings of the Convegno Storia e Cultura dello Yemen in Età Islamica, con Particolare Riferimento al Periodo Rasulide

Varro 1979

Marcus Terentius Varro on Agriculture

[1] The edition of Jâzim (1985) in al-Iklîl has a number of printing errors. However, it is still superior to a pirated version of Jâzim's hand-written copy published as a book by ‘Abd Allâh al-Mujâhid (1987), a modern agricultural engineer ; this latter is without merit.

[2] Varro 1979, p. 263.

Mission paléo-biologique et paléo-anthropologique en Tihama, Yémen (projet PALEO-Y)

cefas — 2010-08-31T10:18:43Z

Responsable : Roberto Macchiarelli

Liste des membres

activités de terrain et de laboratoire : P. Bertran (INRAP), S. Boulogne (INRAP), M. Brenet (INRAP, Pessac), R. Crassard (CNRS), A. Delagnes (Univ. Bordeaux 1), A. Froment (MNHN, Paris), M. al-Halabi (GOAM), J. Jaubert (Univ. Bordeaux 1), L. Khalidi (Univ. Nice), A. Mazurier (ERM, Poitiers), E. Messager (MNHN, Paris), A. Mosabi (GOAM), H. Murad (GOAM), S. Peigné (MNHN, Paris), D. Pleurdeau (MNHN, Paris), M.A. Qasam (GOAM), L. Sitzia (Univ. Bordeaux 1), J.-F. Tournepiche (Musée d'Angoulême), C. Tribolo (Univ. Bordeaux 3), P. Voinchet (MNHN, Paris), V. Volpato (Forschungsinstitut Senckenberg).

activités de laboratoire : M. Frouin (Univ. Poitiers & Univ. Bordeaux 3), C. Hatté (CNRS), N. Mercier (Univ. Bordeaux 3), A. Meunier(Univ. Poitiers).

Institutions partenaires

Département de Préhistoire, MNHN Paris, France ; Département Géosciences, Université de Poitiers, France
General Organization for Antiquities and Museums (GOAM), Yémen
Ministère des Affaires Etrangères et Européennes, France
Centre Français d'Archéologie et de Sciences Sociales (CEFAS), Sana'a

Soutien

CNRS
Leakey Foundation.

Présentation du programme

Le projet PALEOY (Paleobiological and Paleoanthropological Research Mission in Tihama, Republic of Yemen (PALEOY Project)) est centré sur la région d'escarpement à l'interface entre la Tihama orientale et les plateaux intérieurs et intéresse la bande comprise entre wadi Surdud, au N, et wadi Zabid, au S. Au cours du Pléistocène, l'activité tectonique dans cette région a déterminé la formation et l'évolution locale des bassins sédimentaires continentaux, témoins potentiels des dynamiques paléoenvironnementales et des toutes premières phases d'occupation humaine.

Fig. 1 Le site Shi'bat Dihya 1 (SD1)

Fig. 2 La fouille du site Shi'bat Dihya 1

PALEOY est aujourd'hui focalisé sur l'étude et la valorisation d'un ensemble exceptionnel de sites du Paléolithique moyen découverts dans la province de Khamis Bani Saad (Al Mahwit), vers l'embouchure du wadi Surdud : Shi'bat Dihya (sites SD1 et SD2) et Al Sharj (séquence AS1). Ce complexe paléolithique, à haut degré de résolution pour l'archéologie préhistorique (5,500 objets lithiques et divers restes fauniques déjà récupérés à SD1 sur une surface fouillée de 22 m2), est le premier de ce genre découvert jusqu'à présent en Arabie méridionale.

Fig. 3 SD1 : la surface archéologique

Fig. 4 L'industrie lithique du Paléolithique moyen de wadi Surdud en cours d'étude

Les sites sont interstratifiés dans une séquence sédimentaire de type limono-argileux épaisse de quelques dizaines de mètres et piégée dans deux gorges distantes de quelques centaines de mètres seulement. Leurs âges, obtenus par la méthode de la Luminescence Stimulée Optiquement (OSL), indiquent les stade isotopiques OIS4-OIS3.

Fig. 5 Les affleurements de Al Sharj

Fig. 6 La fouille de la séquence AS1 de Al Sharj

Sur la base des résultats déjà acquis, nous estimons que le complexe Shi'bat Dihya-Al Sharj constitue à ce jour le seul jalon pertinent de la Péninsule Arabique pour (i) apprécier la diffusion des savoirs techniques entre Afrique et Asie au cours du Pléistocène supérieur, (ii) préciser les phases du peuplement humain de la macro-région (iii) caractériser les dynamiques environnementales à une résolution comparable à celle du registre de l'Afrique orientale.

Fig. 7 L'équipe PALEOY

Calendrier pour les prochaines activités prévues

Prochaines campagnes de terrain : octobre-novembre 2010 et février-mars 2011.

Publications relatives au programme

2009, Macchiarelli R., “From Africa to Asia through Arabia : models, predictions, and witnesses of first phases of human settlement”. In (Suleimenov O. & Iwamoto W.) First Great Migrations of Peoples. Paris : UNESCO.
2008, Delagnes A., Macchiarelli R., Jaubert J., Peigné S., Tournepiche J.-F., Bertran P., Crassard R., Khalidi L., Tribolo C., Hatté C., Mercier N., Messager E., Meunier A., Abbate E., Al Halbiy M., & Mosabi A. Middle Palaeolithic settlement in Arabia : first evidence from a stratified archaeological site in western Yemen. Paleoanthropology Society meeting, Vancouver.
2008, Macchiarelli R., « Les premiers Hommes. Quelle porte de sortie ont-ils trouvée ? » La Recherche, 419.
2006, Macchiarelli R. & Peigné S, « Le premier peuplement de l'Arabie méridional : la perspective Tihama (Yémen) », Bulletin et Mémoires de la Société d'Anthropologie de Paris, 18.

Crise financière de 2008 : quelles répercussions sociales dans le Golfe ? Enquête sur le cas du Qatar.

cefas — 2010-08-31T08:17:00Z

Responsable

Claire Beaugrand

Institution de rattachement

CEFAS, recherche post doctorale

Présentation du programme

Le 25 Novembre 2009, la presse économique et financière faisait la une de l'annonce par le conglomérat public, Dubai World, de son incapacité à honorer le calendrier de sa dette de 4 milliards de dollars. De fait, le vent de tempête qui a soufflé sur le propriétaire de Nakheel, n'a pas touché que Doubaï ni par ricochet les EAU : il a affecté les investisseurs des grandes familles marchandes golfiennes, fait tomber plusieurs banques dans les pays du CCG et surtout, comme toujours en période de crise, ravivé les tensions sociales. A Koweït, l'aide financière apportée par le gouvernement à la Gulf Bank a provoqué une levée de boucliers au Parlement et justifié une nouvelle vague de revendications demandant l'effacement des dettes liées aux prêts à la consommation. Aux EAU, ce sont les populations d'origine iranienne qui ont été montrés du doigt. De fait les réactions des sociétés golfiennes face à leur perception de la crise sont extrêmement révélatrices de l'évolution des rapports sociaux dans chacun des pays du CCG. A Koweït, pays 'clairement pour les Koweïtiens' (Herb 2009:387) où les étrangers contribuent au confort des nationaux, les tensions se sont exacerbées entre élites et classes moyennes ; alors qu'aux Emirats, où les étrangers contribuent à l'entrée de devises de l'économie, ce sont vers ces derniers que le ressentiment s'est avant tout tourné. Qu'en est-il au Qatar, pays gazier plus que pétrolier et au décollage économique plus tardif ? L'attention des chercheurs travaillant sur le Qatar s'est plutôt porté vers sa politique extérieure et la projection d'une nouvelle image (Peterson 2006), se concentrant sur le phénomène Al Jazira. Tout en gardant une dimension comparative, cette étude se centrera avant tout sur l'émirat dont la composition et les rivalités sociales sont les moins bien connues (Montigny 1996), Analyser l'impact différencié de la crise, envers de la médaille de l'économie rentière et son trop-plein de liquidité, est un prisme tout à fait adapté pour évaluer l'état des relations entre Etat et secteur privée aux mains de la vieille garde des élites commerciales plus ou moins inféodée (Crystal 1990), entre l'Etat et la classe moyenne qui le tient responsable de la satisfaction de ses aspirations, mais aussi sur le rôle exercé par la présence en toile de fond d'une majorité de main d'œuvre étrangère sur ces rapports sociaux. Dans le contexte d'un certain reflux de la libéralisation politique depuis le début des années 1990, quels ont été les canaux de diffusion des craintes et mécontentements ? Quelle a été la position des Etats et leur stratégie pour les endiguer ?

Calendrier

Octobre 2010, début des recherches sur le terrain, durée un an.

Call for Papers for the Yemeni Chronicles

cefas — 2010-08-25T08:48:09Z

The next issue of Chroniques Yéménites (n° 17) is expected for the end of the year 2010. Papers are to be sent to edition@cefas.com.ye before October, 1st. - Call for Papers

Conférences et séminaires

cefas — 2010-08-25T08:31:06Z

Des conférences publiques et des séminaires de présentation de travaux ont régulièrement lieu au CEFAS ou dans les institutions partenaires. Elles sont annoncées dans la rubrique Manifestations scientifiques. - Valorisation de la recherche

برنامج المؤتمرات والمحاضرات 2010

cefas — 2010-08-23T11:21:51Z

نوفمبر 2010

“تحولات الجنس في شبه الجزيرة العربية والقرن الأفريقي”

الجمعة 23 يوليو 2010 من 11:30 حتي 1:30 في برشلونة

"اليمن عبر الوطنية: عبر الشبكات والتبادل والتنقل"

World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies, Barcelona, July 19th - 24th 2010

السبت 19 يونيو 2010 الساعة 7:00 في السيفاس

“ حمامات صنعاء واليمن ، بين التقليد والحداثة”

محاضرة باللغة الفرنسية والعربية قدمها مؤرخ يحيى العبلي (جامعة صنعاء) ونبيل بطرس، مصور (باريس) وميشال تسيرير (سيفايس)

الثلاثاء 18 مايو 2010 الساعة 7:00 في السيفاس

"مدينة تعز في العصر الرسولي"

محاضرة باللغة الفرنسية والعربية التي قدمها اريك فاليه

الثلاثاء 27 أبريل 2010 الساعة 7:00 في مؤسسة حائل سعيد في تعز

"المسافرين الفرنسيين إلى تعز (من القرن 17 إلى القرن 20)"

محاضرة قدمها ميشال تسيرير (سيفايس)

الأحد 25 أبريل 2010 الساعة 7:00 في مركز للبحوث حول المرأة ، جامعة عدن

"المرأة والعمالة والسياسات العامة في العالم العربي: تبادل الاجتماعية وتضارب المعايير"

محاضرة قدمها بلاندين ديستريمو (CNRS / LISE, Paris)

الأحد ، 21 مارس 2010 الساعة 7:00 في السيفاس

"اكتشافات جديدة في تهامة ما قبل التاريخ على تسوية في وقت مبكر ، أي أقل من 90 سنة 000 ، في جنوب غرب الجزيرة العربية"

محاضرة قدمها روبيرتو ماكياريلي

الثلاثاء 9 مارس 2010 الساعة 10:00 في مركز دراسات وأبحاث الحنس الاجتماعي والتنمية بجامعة صنعاء

"النسوية والإسلام اليوم"

محاضرة باللغة الفرنسية قدمها ستيفاني لاته عبد الله

الثلاثاء 9 مارس 2010 الساعة 7:00 في السيفاس

"نحو سياسة نسوية: نظرة على التعبئة في الأردن (1950-2000)"

محاضرة باللغة الفرنسية قدمها ستيفاني لاته عبد الله

الاحد 21 فبراير 2010 الساعة 7:00 في السيفاس

"التاريخ والتراث في غزة"

محاضرة قدمها جان باتيست اومبير

أنشطة البحوث في كل البلد ومنطقة

cefas — 2010-08-23T07:56:05Z

المملكة العربية السعودية

البعثة الأثرية في مدائن صالح

البعثة الاثرية في نجران

في منطقة الخليج العربي

من الخليج العربي إلى أوروبا : العنف والعنف المضاد

تحليل العلاقات في تبادل بين الدول والمجتمعات في دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي

عمان

البعثة الأثرية الفرنسية في آدم

مشروع قلهات (عمان)

اليمن

إعادة النظر في ال 20 سنة بعد توحيد اليمن : الأزمة ، التي تمر بمرحلة انتقالية أو تعديلات؟

الحمامات في اليمن : التاريخ ، والعمارة ، والممارسات الاجتماعية

لغات اليمن والقرن الأفريقي

الشعر الهميني في صنعاء

إن الحفاظ على المخطوطات

البعثة الأثرية وأبجدية في المملكة القديمة لمملكة قتبان

البعثة الاثرية في الجوف حضرموت

شبه الجزيرة العربية

تحويلات الجنس في شبه الجزيرة العربية والقرن الأفريقي

عبر الوطنية اليمن : الشبكات ، وتبادل والتنقلات

مجتمعات بحر الأبيض المتوسط والمحيط الهندي

Research programs by country and region

cefas — 2010-08-22T12:04:02Z

Saudi Arabia

Mada'in Salih archaeological mission

Najran archaeological mission

The Persian Gulf

From the Persian Gulf to Europe: violence and counter-violence

Analysis of changes in the relations between State and societies in the GCC

Oman

French archaeological mission in Adam

Qalhat project(Oman)

Yemen

Rethinking Yemen 20 years after unification: crisis, transition or adaptations?

Hammams in Yemen: history, architecture, social practices

Languages of Yemen & the Horn of Africa

Humayni poetry in Sanaa

The preservation of manuscripts

Archaeological and epigraphic mission in the ancient kingdom of Qataban

Jawf-Hadramawt archaeological mission

Arabian Peninsula

Gender Transformations in the Arabian Peninsula & the Horn of Africa

Transnational Yemen: networks, exchanges and mobilities

Mediterranean societies and the Indian Ocean

تحليل التغيرات في العلاقات بين الدولة والمجتمعات في دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي

2010-08-22T09:34:23Z

قريتاً - القضايا المعاصرة السياسية والاجتماعية في بلدان شبه الجزيرة العربية